Second Amendment
P. Schultz
January 25, 2013
The
text of the second amendment read as follows:
“A well regulated militia being
necessary to the security of a free state, the right of the people to keep and
bear arms shall not be infringed.”
It
has been a question whether this amendment protects a “personal” right to bear
arms or whether it protects that right only for purposes of maintaining a
militia. Well, the amendment is best understood as protecting a personal right
and for the following reason. The Federalists were opposed to any bill of
rights being part of the Constitution. As Hamilton argued in the Federalist, such a bill was deemed
unnecessary in a political order such as that created by the Constitution. Such
bills were necessary in monarchies, for example, but not in a representative
republic.
Bills
of rights were important to the Anti-Federalists. However, they were understood
primarily as statements of general or basic principles, such as “All power is
derived from the people,” a statement found in several state constitutions.
They were not understood as provisions that would be used as the basis for
lawsuits filed against the government. It would be more appropriate to say that
they were seen as providing bases for protest or for seeking a redress of
grievances.
[As an aside: "lawsuits filed against the government" is misleading because these lawsuits are filed within the government and only with the government's approval. To say that "I will appeal my case all the way to the Supreme Court" has a somewhat "radical" ring to it in the United States but it should be remembered that the Supreme Court is part of the government! "Oh, so Ms. Radical, you are going to appeal your case against the government to the government. How radical! Oh my, oh my, whatever will the government do?" The point is this: The change in the character of the bill of rights as found in the Constitution and as desired by the Anti-Federalists reflects a change in the character of politics as implied by the Constitution and as desired by the Anti-Federalists. The latter were more favorably disposed to what we would call popular protests than the former, where popular protests morph into legal cases that are to be decided by the government in its courts. This is not a small difference.]
[As an aside: "lawsuits filed against the government" is misleading because these lawsuits are filed within the government and only with the government's approval. To say that "I will appeal my case all the way to the Supreme Court" has a somewhat "radical" ring to it in the United States but it should be remembered that the Supreme Court is part of the government! "Oh, so Ms. Radical, you are going to appeal your case against the government to the government. How radical! Oh my, oh my, whatever will the government do?" The point is this: The change in the character of the bill of rights as found in the Constitution and as desired by the Anti-Federalists reflects a change in the character of politics as implied by the Constitution and as desired by the Anti-Federalists. The latter were more favorably disposed to what we would call popular protests than the former, where popular protests morph into legal cases that are to be decided by the government in its courts. This is not a small difference.]
The
second amendment, unlike the other amendments, has this character. Hence, the
purpose for which the right to bear arms exists is stated, whereas in the first
amendment, for example, no such purpose is stated. It follows then that the
statement of purpose does not and was not intended to limit the right to bear
arms to members of a militia. In this sense, this is a personal right, the
stated purpose of which is “the security of a free state.”
Of
course, this still leaves the question, a question lawyers have little trouble arguing, of what constitutes an “infringement” on
the right to bear arms. Does, for example, preventing people from owning
bazookas or rocket propelled grenade launchers constitute an “infringement” on
this right? Not many would argue that such a prohibition would be an
infringement on this right. And it would seem that a good place to start for
understanding this amendment would be with the thought that what the authors
and ratifiers of this amendment had in mind were arms that citizens would
normally own and not, say, cannons or, eventually, Gatling guns. In fact, it
may be argued persuasively that the private ownership of some arms like Gatling
guns or 50 caliber machine guns would compromise “the security of a free
state.”
Perhaps
it would be useful if more people would realize that the bill of rights, like
so many other provisions of the Constitution, raises as many questions as it
answers. And, of course, we have to answer them today. It is no longer possible
to answer them as some would have answered them in 1788 or 1860 without the
answers seeming and being irrelevant to current circumstances.
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