Machiavelli’s Critique of Aristotle
P. Schultz
In his
book, Machiavelli and Empire, Mikael
Hornqvist notices the following: “The
Prince 16, which on a superficial level seemed to reiterate a conventional
theme from the mirror-of-princes genre, has on closer examination proved to
contain a direct assault on the very foundation of this traditional moralist
genre, the ethical teaching of Aristotle. Through this radical move,
Machiavelli opens up a new form of political discourse…..” [p. 179]
This
radical move may be described as follows. Whereas traditionally the
mirror-of-princes genre was based on the idea that there were certain virtues
that princes – and of course others – should practice because, well, because
they were virtues and choice worthy. It followed from this that princes should
then embrace a kind of politics that was consistent with or based upon these
virtues. Because liberality was a virtue, princes should practice liberal
politics. Thus, being liberal points to a certain kind of politics, say, a
generous politics.
Machiavelli
turns this reasoning on its head. That is, for Machiavelli, princes - or anyone
seeking success for that matter - should adopt the kind of politics that makes
liberality possible or safe. As
Machiavelli makes plain, being liberal does not guarantee one’s success and, in
fact, can breed failure by creating resentment, say, at being heavily taxed to
support liberal or generous policies. Eventually, Machiavelli turns the
question, “What virtues should princes practice?” into the question, “What kind
of politics need princes practice to ensure that liberality is successful?” And
the answer is, it would seem: To be liberal, one must be “acquisitive” or
imperialistic, because that allows a prince to be generous without burdening
his subjects to pay for his generosity.
It is
important to notice how Machiavelli’s question changes political discourse.
Whereas traditionally it was asked, what virtues should a prince practice, it
is now asked, how should princes behave to be deemed virtuous? For Machiavelli,
seeming
replaces being, and seeming virtuous replaces
being virtuous. And, of course,
once this kind of thinking is embraced, manipulation, concealment, and deceit –
in a word, “appearances” or “credibility” as we would say today – become all-important.
A politics of smoke and mirrors is only a very short step away.
Successful
rule replaces virtuous rule as the standard around which political discourse
revolves. Success is that which striven for and, when achieved, often confused
with virtue. But, in fact, success is virtue’s replacement, a fact that
Machiavelli conceals beneath his appeals to restore “ancient virtue.” In fact,
“ancient virtue” is so far from being the remedy that it is the problem. And
that which rules in the political arena will also rule in the social arena,
with “Be Successful” replacing “Be Virtuous” as the polestar for human
behavior. And when success becomes confused with virtue, we should not be
surprised as that was the goal all along.
That
Machiavelli thought in this way is evident, at least intermittently, throughout
his writings. For example, in the Discourses,
II, 13, in a chapter entitled “That One Comes from Base to Great Fortune More
through Fraud Than through Force,” Machiavelli says upfront: “I esteem it to be
a very true thing that it rarely or never happens that men of small fortune
come to great ranks without force and without fraud….Nor do I believe that
force alone is ever found to be enough, but fraud alone will be found to be
quite enough…..”
Leaving
aside the question that Machiavelli obviously wants us to debate, which is more
important for success, force or fraud? and notice that he has reduced the
possible explanations for success to two, force and/or fraud. He has left out,
apparently, two other possibilities, virtue or chance, although he does mention
inheritance, which might be a kind of chance. “Great fortune” or success is
achieved, when not inherited, by force and/or fraud, leaving virtue out of the
equation altogether. And, of course, if one uses force, it would be good to
disguise this fact in order to make people think that your success did not have
to be seized but was well deserved, was a reward at it were for one’s virtues.
So even when force is used to achieve success, fraud is necessary and
beneficial.
But note
should be taken as well at how Machiavelli reduces the world, at it were. That
is, in Machiavelli’s world, virtue plays a very small role therein.
Machiavelli’s world is a world of “movers and shakers,” of human beings “on the
make;” it is not a world of imaginers, of poets, of saints, of caregivers, of
the inquisitive as opposed to the acquisitive.
One might say that the “inspired,” in Machiavelli’s world, are consigned
to the margins of society, even banished as it were from “respectable society”
as the poets were banished in Plato’s Republic.
Not just imaginary republics but imagination generally will play a very small
part in Machiavelli’s world. Modern realism, to be pragmatic, shrinks “real
reality” and, therewith perhaps, shrinks humanity itself.
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