Going to the Dark Side and Other Lies
Peter Schultz
I am
currently rereading Jane Mayer’s excellent book The Dark Side: The Inside Story of How the War on Terror Turned Into a
War on American Ideals, the title of which is a reference to Dick Cheney’s
assertion after 9/11 that it would now be necessary for the United States to go
to the dark side in combatting our terrorist enemies.
But this
idea of “going to the dark side” is a lie because it suggests that Cheney/Bush,
et. al., are going to a place, out of necessity, that is part of the traditional
American political order. That is, the implication is that this “side,”
although rarely visited, is a part of the traditional governmental arrangements
in the United States. But this is a lie. Cheney/Bush, et. al., are not going to
a part of our traditional governmental arrangements but are building what they
hope will be an entirely new and very different set of governmental
arrangements. And this is supported by Mayer’s observation that Dick Cheney has
been working on this agenda for some years, even decades now, as evidenced by
the minority report he wrote for the Iran-Contra investigation, as well as
Cheney’s long-standing concern with what is called “Continuation of Government”
or “COG.”
The same
lie is being told when Cheney/Bush, et. al., imply that their actions
instituting what Mayer calls the “New Paradigm” are being undertaken out of necessity.
Rather, these actions are for these people desirable rather than necessary. And
the difference is important for understanding what is going on. For clarity’s
sake, think of our traditional governmental arrangements as a garment. The
argument from necessity suggests that what is going on is that something
additional is being added to the existing garment, that something being made
necessary by events like 9/11. But the argument from desirability suggests that
what is going on is the creation of a wholly new garment. The latter of course
raises or should raise all kinds of questions, such as whether the new garment
is a republican or a royalist/monarchical one. But, as Mayer points out, these
are the kind of questions that never got raised in the aftermath of 9/11 and
that the Cheney/Bush regime did not want raised. And because they did not want
them raised, they pretended that they were concerned with the constitutional
bona fides of their proposals. But their constitutional arguments are merely
meant to disguise what is in fact a radically different kind of government than
the one created in 1787.
Mayer is
correct then to argue that the war on terror constitutes “a war on American
ideals.” But care should be taken here as well because that war, the one on
terror, is just the convenient excuse that is being used to try to create a new
political order, one that is quite unlike the order created by the constitution
of 1787. So, if the war on terror were to end, it would be naïve to think that
the attempts to sabotage our traditional governmental arrangements would also
end. They would not.
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