Constitutions Matter
Peter Schultz
Oligarchies
differ from republics in that oligarchs claim the right to rule/govern based on
their superiority while republicans claim the right to rule/govern based on
sameness.
At the
constitutional convention in Philadelphia in 1787, Ben Franklin tried to warn
the convention that it was creating a government that would be oligarchic by
creating an office, the presidency, that would attract people who thought they
should rule/govern because they were superior to, not the same as, the “common
people,” or “we the people.” In a speech on the presidency, Franklin proposed
that presidents not be paid because to do so would make that office attractive
to men characterized by avarice and ambition; that is, attractive to
acquisitive men who thought they were capable of and deserving of much wealth
and power because they were superior people. As a result, Franklin argued, peaceful
men would not seek the office, while those tending toward “violence” would. And
Franklin predicted that even after presidential elections, the victors would be
set upon by their rivals and subjected to vicious personal attacks.
Of course,
taking into account the presidencies of JFK, LBJ, Nixon, Carter, Reagan,
Clinton, Bush Jr., Obama, and Trump, it may be said that Franklin’s warnings
have proven correct. Each of these presidents and their presidencies have been
subjected to vicious personal attacks, and two of these presidents, Clinton and
Trump, have been impeached by the House of Representatives, although acquitted
by the Senate. And the “violence” of our politics is attested to by the degree
of security required to keep presidents alive. JFK was assassinated, while Ford
and Reagan were attacked, with the latter being wounded by gunfire. We are not privy to how many other attacks may
have been planned but we do know that George Wallace was attacked and crippled
while seeking the presidency.
I believe
what Franklin was on to was the fact that when rule is based on, legitimated by
claims of superiority, those who claim to be superior must deny the claims of
superiority made by their rivals, while of course asserting their own
superiority. This necessarily leads to vicious personal attacks, as well
apparently as physical attacks. These attacks may be said to be political
phenomena facilitated by our governmental arrangements, including of course the
office of the presidency. Want to change or moderate the violence, both
rhetorical and physical, of our politics, then we should change the
characteristics of our governmental arrangements. Perhaps it would be
worthwhile to limit presidents to one, four-year term in office, as well as
limiting the tenure of congresspersons and Supreme Court Justices.
In the Federalist Papers, Alexander Hamilton
wrote that “The love of fame [is] the ruling passion of the noblest minds,” thereby
indicating that he was desirous of drawing such men into the new government,
men like George Washington and, of course, himself. The office of the president
would, Hamilton hoped, draw into the government men who desired, perhaps above
all else, fame, which is a kind of immortality. But this was precisely Franklin’s
concern, because such offices and such men would make the new government oligarchic
rather than republican, with the attendant violence accompanying such
oligarchies. “Great men” seek to create “great empires,” thereby demonstrating
their own “greatness,” while earning a measure of immortality. But such men and
such empires are encumbered by violence and a violent politics, both at home
and abroad.
Others saw
and were concerned with this possibility, mainly among those labeled
“Anti-Federalists.” Patrick Henry argued in the Virginia ratifying convention
that the Constitution had “an awful squinting,” it “squinted in the direction
of monarchy” and toward a government characterized by great armies and war. By
implication, Henry saw the roots of what is today called “American
exceptionalism,” that is, the claim that because America and Americans are
superior, it and they have the right to rule/govern the world. Those roots lay
in the newly proposed constitution. As Henry said, and I am paraphrasing, in
its youth the American nation was not about greatness, political, economic, or
military greatness, but about individual liberty. And that youthful nation aspired
not to a “splendid government” like those embraced by the monarchies of the
world, but to a republican government and a republican society. It might do us
well to recall what Franklin and Henry were about.
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